WeeklyWorker

10.05.2007

Lib Dems re-ignite Plaid rebellion

Bob Davies on the latest twists and turns in Welsh politics

Finally, after three weeks of cross-party discussions, the Welsh assembly has a first minister. On May 25, Rhodri Morgan, leader of the Labour Party in Wales, was nominated to lead a minority administration in the Senedd after the NEC of the Liberal Democrats withdrew its support for a triple 'rainbow' alliance with Plaid Cymru and the Tories.

Given the twists and turns in Welsh politics since the May 3 elections, this arrangement can only be described as fragile and anything but secure. Indeed, the day after Morgan's reinstatement, taking advantage of a provision in the party's constitution allowing for an all-members meeting, the Welsh Liberal Democrats voted by a two to one majority to overturn their NEC's decision not to proceed with the rainbow alliance, thus paving the way for its potential resurrection. Dai Lloyd AM, chair of Plaid Cymru's AMs in the Senedd, has already spoken about a vote of no confidence in the new Labour-run administration. Morgan's position over the coming period is vulnerable, to say the least.

Events over the past four weeks may have bordered on the farcical, but they are hardly surprising. The Welsh assembly has a very limited remit and this found its reflection in the nature of the campaign - high on platitudes, low on concrete proposals. The battle was over who was the greenest and who could best manage the NHS and transport. Evidently, how each party imaged itself was more important than its politics.

As soon as it became clear that no party had secured an overall majority, which of the party leaders could get their grubby hands on first ministerial power became the issue. Talk of deals, pacts and horse-trading in order that each of their respective parties could govern in the 'best possible way for the people of Wales' became the norm. Indeed, Morgan's repeated call "to reach out to those in other parties with similar ideas" typified the narrow political agenda. Each party leader seemed prepared to make a deal with any of the others, but could not quite pull it off.

The policy document being sold by the rainbow alliance as the basis for government contains such things as a commitment to work towards the improvement of transport links, the piloting of a laptop scheme for all schoolchildren, a trial of NHS walk-in centres and a vague promise to improve social housing. It also carries a commitment to hold a referendum on further powers for the Welsh assembly, bringing it in line with the Scottish parliament. Measures to bring about real democratic change or improve workers' social and economic rights are totally absent. It goes without saying that no socialist could support this policy document.

Indeed the prospect of such a coalition sparked a rebellion among the Plaid Cymru left. However, the leftwing grouping, Triban Coch, has not written a word about the rainbow alliance since it was first mooted by Plaid's leadership before elections to the assembly took place.

Nevertheless there is most definitely a living Plaid left, amongst which Leanne Wood, AM for South Wales Central, is prominent. At the moment, how effective that left pole will be is an open question. For example, it was actually the Liberal Democrats, and not the Plaid opposition, which caused the initial collapse of the rainbow alliance. The fact remains, though, that the about-turn by the Liberal Democrats means that discussions to resurrect the rainbow alliance, and thus a government alongside the Tories, are now very much back on the agenda. Plaid's national council is meeting next month in order to debate this possibility. The party's leader, Ieuan Wyn Jones, is once more making positive noises in favour of a rainbow relaunch. The chance of securing the position of first minister is within his grasp once more.

However, for the Plaid left it is not the interests of the working class, but those of a classless Welsh "nation", which must be protected from a lash-up with the Tories. According to Wood, "There is a clash of values and principles between Plaid and the Conservatives. That is why we believe an arrangement between us would be unsustainable in the long run and not deliver the stable government for which we all strive "¦ We fought this election on a platform to deliver a proper parliament for our nation. A deal with the Conservatives would undermine the chance of delivering that goal."

This idea has been echoed by the other rebel AMs. For example, Helen Mary Jones stated that she is against the alliance because her Llanelli electorate did not want a real Welsh government called into question. Similar comments have come from the other two Plaid AMs involved in the rebellion, Nerys Evans and Bethan Jenkins.

It is, of course, correct to demand a parliament for Wales with full powers. But partisans of the working class place such a demand within the context of a federal republic of Wales, England and Scotland, in order to strengthen and deepen workers' unity on an all-Britain level. But on this question Plaid's rebels differ little from the leadership.

They may be left, but they are left nationalists. For instance, while Bethan Jenkins has spoken out against plans to close Remploy factories in south Wales and has pledged to fight with unions for Remploy workers' rights, she also congratulates the Scottish National Party on the formation of a government in Scotland.

Plaid's chair, John Dixon, has talked of "two very different strands of opinion" in the party. However, in the run-up to next month's national council meeting Plaid's rebels must make up their minds. Will they remain loyal to the leadership and back off from any potential split, ultimately putting country before class? Or will they come out and fight, championing the interests of the working class?