18.12.1997

Scottish Tories try to limp back

In the modern political era, 1997 can safely be called one of the worst years ever for the Tories. After 18 years in government, they were categorically rejected on May 1 by the electorate of Britain. In Scotland their predicament was even worse.

They suffered two seismic defeats in five months: on May 2 they were left with no MPs north of the border and on September 11 their campaign to defend the status quo in the devolution referendum was overwhelmingly rebuffed by the voters and derided by the press and large sections of big business. Inevitably this led to internal party bloodletting. High-profile Tory activists Susan and Arthur Bell defected to the Liberal Democrats. Accusations, recriminations and blame were being freely traded. Clearly the ‘natural party’ of the bourgeoisie is in deep crisis, especially in Scotland. Blair and his acolytes are moulding themselves into this role.

In light of this the Tory Party in Scotland commissioned Lord Strathclyde to look at ways of reversing this steep spiral of decline in the run-up to the 1999 elections for the Edinburgh parliament. The Strathclyde report, entitled Made in Scotland, combines Tory tartanisation with a pinch of internal party democracy and restructuring, and the outside chance of a name change. Proposals include the merging of the voluntary and professional wings of the party under one leadership in Scotland; an extension of democratic control by party members; and the Tory manifesto for the Scottish parliament and candidates’ list to be drawn up in Scotland itself. Suggestions for a new name have included the ‘progressive Conservatives’, the ‘Scottish Democratic Conservative Party’ and even the ‘Progressive Unionist Party’.

While these proposals will go to a special conference in March for approval, one party worker was already describing it as “a con and a fiddle from start to finish”. If they find it so difficult to convince their own activists that these changes are more than superficial, then they are unlikely to get much joy from the electorate. On top of this, the new found enthusiasm for the Scottish parliament by large sections of the Scottish Tory Party is not shared by a number of English Tory backbenchers. Some seem certain to contnue this attack on the very concept of devolution in the debate on Labour’s Devolution Bill.

The political disorientation of the Tories looks set to leave them in the wilderness as her Majesty’s Loyal Opposition for a number of years. Good. The main focus of our attack must be the anti-working class, pro-imperialist Labour government.

Nick Clarke