22.05.1997

‘Peace’ train back on track

As expected, a clear-cut election victory has given the Irish ‘peace process’ fresh impetus. The Conservative government’s last days had been characterised by its absolute dependence on the Ulster Unionists, leaving it unable to take any meaningful initiatives over Ireland.

So when Tony Blair flew to Belfast to deliver his speech last week he was acting totally on behalf of the British state. Whether the Tories or Labour have been at the helm, the bipartisanship over Ireland has been uninterrupted. This was demonstrated by Blair’s fulsome praise for John Major’s previous efforts and by the positive response of even the most reactionary press to the Labour leader’s speech. The ultra-unionist Daily Telegraph commended him for his “promising sureness of touch” (May 17).

The British establishment is almost unanimous in its support for continued attempts to reach an agreement with Sinn Fein/IRA in order to establish an imperialist peace. Like John Major before him, Blair was careful to stress his own opposition to a united Ireland: “None of us in this hall today, even the youngest, is likely to see Northern Ireland as anything but a part of the United Kingdom.”

This section of his speech also highlighted the ‘enlightened’ approach to the national question on the mainland, and the need to offer the Scots and Welsh a sop: “I believe in the United Kingdom,” Blair quivered. “I am against a rigid, centralised approach. That is the surest way to weaken the union.”

Continuing with British imperialism’s attempts to seduce Irish republican leaders into mainstream bourgeois politics, Blair announced that talks between Sinn Fein and British civil servants would soon resume - a move which was immediately welcomed by Gerry Adams.

Calling on republicans to board “the settlement train”, Blair added: “I want you on that train. But it is leaving anyway and I will not allow it to wait for you.” That is nonsense of course. Clearly no settlement to end Irish resistance is possible without the agreement of one of the main warring parties. In the words of Fergus Finlay, an Irish government adviser, talks without Sinn Fein are “not worth a penny candle”.

However, such bombast is necessary to keep all but the most diehard of unionists on board. Similarly, the blatantly undemocratic decision to deny Adams and fellow Sinn Fein MP Martin McGuiness parliamentary facilities is all part of the government’s pre-talks bargaining stance. Ludicrously, committed republicans who have spent their entire adult life fighting the British state are required to swear an oath of allegiance to the queen.

McGuiness said the pair wanted to “provide active representation for the people who elected us”, and added: “I don’t wish her any ill will at all, but I cannot take an oath of allegiance” to “the English queen”. The question of whether or not to take a meaningless oath is surely a tactical one, but nevertheless the state’s obstruction completely exposes its false commitment to ‘democracy’ and its sham ‘concern’ for thousands of Irish voters.

Just as New Labour has already proved itself to be ready to ruthlessly attack the working class at home in the interests of capital, so it is totally dedicated to the defence of British imperialism abroad.

Jim Blackstock