23.01.1997

SLP in crisis

Sikorski quits

Just weeks away from a watershed general election Socialist Labour has been plunged into crisis. Patrick Sikorski has resigned as general secretary. At the top this has forced a difficult, embarrassing and unplanned reorganisation of posts and responsibilities.

Undoubtedly the SLP is in danger of bungling its first general election test. If that is allowed to happen a certain demoralisation is unavoidable. Given the politics and fragility of the present SLP leadership, disorientation and disintegration cannot be ruled out.

Sikorski announced his intention to quit in a special circular dated January 15 to all SLP “organisers” dated January 15 - his first membership communication of 1997. Sikorski tried to excuse his gross irresponsibility by reproducing a long letter addressed to the SLP’s president and vice-president, Arthur Scargill and Frank Cave (see page 7).

This actually reveals that behind what Sikorski freely admits is a “disruptive” decision lies the choice between class politics and trade union politics. In his own words, being “committed to serious trade union work”, he had already unilaterally returned to full-time work on the London underground. To keep alive his chances of promotion within the RMT trade union hierarchy Sikorski is now obliged to work three shifts and weekends. Hence carrying out the duties of SLP general secretary/treasurer is impossible for him.

Sikorski suggested a number of alternatives, including “formally” remaining in post till the next SLP congress. Of course, according to the Scargill ‘constitution’ SLP congresses “shall be held annually between May 1-31” (clause 6.2.). However, with the general election fast approaching the SLP’s National Executive Committee, meeting on January 18, decided it could not afford to make do with a lame-duck general secretary nor the statutes of the so-called ‘constitution’. It was agreed to put off the congress till October 24-25 and immediately reappoint national officials.

The so-called ‘constitution’ is quite specific - and not only about the timing of the congress. The SLP’s three national officials “shall be elected by party congress on the basis of membership by card vote” (clause 8.1.). Without any democratic consultation or congress vote the SLP’s NEC swept aside its purported rules and appointed Arthur Scargill acting general secretary and Frank Cave acting president. In spite of his desertion Patrick Sikorski was given the post of acting vice-president.

Effectively the SLP will be run by NUM officials and employees from the Hilden Street offices in Leigh, Lancs. Politically and logistically this will have its costs. Arthur Scargill is an outstanding agitator, but no administrator. He has anyway been told to ease off by doctors. Clearly the burden of responsibilities carried by an overstretched Nell Myers will increase dramatically (she already acts as editor of the ‘monthly’ Socialist News).

Socialist Labour is not alone in being damaged by Patrick Sikorski’s ignominious collapse. His secret faction, the Fourth International Supporters Caucus, has been humiliated. Having posed as trusted courtiers, their leading representative proved a weak vessel by putting his personal trade union career interests above those of the collective. Where now for Carolyn Sikorski and Brian Heron?

Ironically Patrick Sikorski’s failure as SLP general secretary is in no small part due to the anti-communist witch hunt. Banning, voiding and attempting to break up perceived opposition centres results in a vicious cycle of disorganisation.

The SLP’s imposed ‘constitution’ was written by John Hendy QC specifically to proscribe Militant Labour, the CPGB, etc. This suited the narrow, sectional project of left reformism but maintained the organisational divide in the advanced section of the working class between Labourism and Marxism. The federal SLP is thus denied communist theory, experience and cadre. Sikorski explicitly complains of lack of help with the workload. He could have got it from communists.

Furthermore the living SLP was squeezed into the dead letter of the ‘constitution’. Functioning area branches were broken down into micro-branches determined by the vagaries of parliamentary constituencies not actual membership distribution. This was dictated by a sectarian desire to atomise opposition. Inevitably however the side effect was to dramatically reduce the effectiveness of branches and create a mountain of unnecessary paperwork. Measures of control created the impossibility of control. By following in the footsteps of Ramsay MacDonald the SLP is being run into the sand.

Obviously the SLP’s revolutionary wing, communists in particular, must boldly and energetically prepare both for the general election and the October congress.

Though chaos now reigns at the top of the SLP, a powerful challenge to New Labour can still be mounted. A united front with Militant Labour, the CPGB, Scottish Socialist Alliance, etc, must be fought for. The self-defeating pigheaded-ness of the leadership, whereby electoral alliances are dogmatically ruled out, must be bypassed. Division of the left plays directly into the hands of Blair and co. Select prospective parliamentary candidates, win and consult allies, coordinate together and raise the necessary finance.

When it comes to the October SLP congress the task is also clear. There must be a single slate of NEC candidates, including for general secretary. Above all though, when it comes to motions, everything must be concentrated on the bans and proscriptions in the constitution. Delete the notorious clauses 2.4 and 2.5; add a 2.3c. The most widely agreed formulation on the left is: “Any socialist, working class and/or progressive organisations, subject to congress decision.”

If this one-line constitutional amendment is won it will transform the SLP’s internal life and its prospects. Clearly the coming year will be decisive for the SLP.

Jack Conrad