WeeklyWorker

26.05.2004

Socialism deferred

In the wake of the recent India elections, Around the Web explores the websites of the Indian communist parties, and Phil Hamilton reflects on their politics and the tasks facing Indian communists.

The surprise ousting of the hindu-chauvinist BJP in the Indian elections has produced a rare appearance of unity on the left in Britain. Both Socialist Worker and The Socialist (May 22) welcome the anti-privatisation sentiments of those who voted for Congress and their left allies, whilst displaying the usual inability to comprehend questions of "high" politics. For example, how can an analysis of the election not mention secularism?

What does the Indian left make of Congress's surprise win? Strangely, comrades' visiting the Communist Party of India website (www.cpofindia.org) for analysis must look elsewhere, as the site has not been updated since before the '14th Lok Sabha' (parliamentary) elections. Instead, its 'Current issues' feature is content to carry the CPI manifesto. As you can expect, it draws on its prior history in the struggle for national liberation and argues how it was necessary for it to ally with other progressive forces to save India from "the communal fascist offensive mounted by the BJP". Of course the whole document is replete with the phraseology and political preoccupations of 'official communism', but at least it recognises the inseparable relationship between socialism and secularism - SP and SWP comrades, take note. The political demands on offer are clearly addressed to India's rural poor, and the overall emphasis is on deepening the development of capitalism, so India can pursue an independent path. To call this a two-stageist programme would be unfair, as socialism does not warrant a mention, let alone a 'stage'.

The CPI(M) website (www.cpim.org) looks a little uglier, but generally has more on offer. The site begins with an obituary for EK Nayanar, founder member and a leading comrade who died on May 19. Next is a pinched version of a 'Central committee communiqué'. Investigating further, the press release somewhat enthusiastically states that "the BJP and its allies have been decisively defeated". If only that was the case. However, the statement does not make the daft mistake of overplaying the election result. It urges the left and secular forces to remain vigilant in the face of communalism. Secondly, the analysis notes that specifically left parties have been strengthened - the CPI(M) tally of seats has risen to its highest ever total, 44.

The bulk of the statement is concerned with the new government: "The CPI(M) is of the opinion that various parties who have contributed to the defeat of the BJP should form the government", and then contradicts its own advice by declaring that "the CPI(M) cannot be part of the Congress-led alliance", preferring instead to extend support from the outside. The reasons for not doing so go unelaborated. There follow five bullet points around communalism and secularism, independent foreign policy and wealth redistribution, which the CPI(M) will be urging the government to adopt.

Additional articles on the elections and the attitude to government are included, but, to be honest, they add little to the central committee statement. However, the right-hand column offers a selection of election material. Firstly the manifesto puts high politics at centre stage, denouncing the BJP's anti-democratic moves in office and its attempts to deeply embed communalist ideologies and practices in the state apparatus. Its 'shining India' neoliberalism, brinkmanship over Kashmir, slavish devotion to the USA and general corruption are correctly seen as part and parcel of the BJP's attempt to lessen the impact of popular pressure on governmental institutions (this is ably supported elsewhere on the website by Lies, damned lies and statistics - this point-by-point rebuttal of the BJP's free market rhetoric was released as a party pamphlet). Like those of its CPI allies, the demands are essentially social democratic in character, but they tend to be more detailed and less overtly concerned with capitalist development.

Once again, socialism is forever delayed. The manifesto is not a document of class struggle but of giving Indian capitalism a human face. The 'Socialism in the contemporary world' section of its programme is unhelpful in this regard. It contains a brief overview of 20th century socialism, notes the "serious mistakes" of the "socialist countries", and how the persistence of capitalism requires socialist solutions. The bridge between CPI(M)'s everyday demands and socialism is tucked away in the 'People's democracy and its programme' section. It implies its demands are informed by "the political ideological maturity of the working class", and the need for a genuine "anti-monopoly" alliance that could establish a "people's democracy", and open the road to socialism. In other words, workers' power is to be forever deferred.

Nevertheless, at over 800,000 members, the CPI(M) seems the best place for communists in India to be fighting for revolutionary socialism.