12.05.2004

How to build the CPGB - and how not to

seeing red

Certain books, shall we say, tend to fall open at certain pages. A second-hand copy of the original Penguin edition of Lady Chatterley's lover, for instance, will tend to volunteer pages 177 to 185. To the surprise of nobody who knows me, I discover that my Yellow pages (somewhat wooden in style, but not without its moments) has a distinct crease along its spine outside p1381: Indian restaurants. My favourite book of all, Jorge Luis Borges's extraordinary Labyrinths, opens at p78: a story called 'The library of Babel', which may haunt you for the rest of your life.

Were the founding statement of the Red Platform to be turned into a pamphlet, it would undoubtedly fall open at the section on Respect. Every CPGB comrade, whether supportive, hostile or wavering, is aware that we oppose the CPGB policy of unconditional electoral support for Respect. A quick word count demonstrated, though, that this takes up only about a quarter of our statement. This week, I hope to turn to a so far neglected area of discussion: party-building.

Our statement on this subject begins: "We believe that the CPGB pays inadequate attention to the simplest and most method of building a new Communist Party: recruitment."

I can feel the frisson running through the Weekly Worker's famously large readership, as I write. How many of you do not have stories, I wonder, of the commando-like tactics and determination of members of the Socialist Workers Party on a recruitment drive? These guys are serious. Serious, that is, about getting you to join. Once you've signed your application slip, however, you are no longer a recruitable prospect, and may require counselling to cope with the transition from object of all interest to cruel neglect.

So no, we do not wish to become a recruiting sect. It is possible, though, to go too far the other way. I had to mount a campaign with all the tenacity of a Reader's Digest mail shot simply to join the CPGB. I filled in an online membership application, and received no response. I sent an email. I sent another. I called the national office, though whether my message was mislaid, or simply ignored as a crank call because of its somewhat desperate, plaintive quality, I shall never know. Finally, I spoke to someone, and was pointed in the direction of a local supporters' group. Having attended a few London events, I explained that before I joined I wished to discuss a few concerns. They were discussed with coolness but perfect openness: and the refreshingly frank conclusion that if I wished to join some other organisation then that was fine.

During my train journey home that evening, I reflected that the CPGB ran what was clearly the most open and readable paper on the left, had a sound analysis of most of the issues which concerned me most, and were right to focus on what they called (and now I call) partyism over the building of absolute ideological conformity. On the other hand, they might have a thing or two to learn about contact work.

The strengths of our party are also its weaknesses. Our comrades are almost all experienced revolutionaries who have served long apprenticeships - some in other organisations: but this can cause us to neglect those who are younger, or simply newer to the movement. Our paper has always been our central weapon of political intervention, but our focus on producing it removes us from the building of cells and membership. Our work is highly centralised in London, multiplying the effectiveness of our central office, but this has led us to seriously underestimate the importance of work outside the capital. We are extremely efficient in the raising and use of funds, but this has simply allowed us to maintain a very high level of political campaigning without addressing the issue of increasing our membership. We often play a pivotal part in the major political projects of the left, such as the Socialist Alliance, and Respect. However, this leads us to neglect important smaller-scale tasks - from local meetings outside London to the issue I began with: the recruitment of individuals.

Since forming the Red Platform, we have been particularly aware of the need to apply the principles we have outlined, and with a little effort have grown more by winning new members to both party and platform than by recruiting internally. We wish to see a new emphasis placed on organic growth throughout the party. We believe that the Provisional Central Committee should coordinate an initiative to expand our organisation. We have the following suggestions to offer, but they are merely designed to seed a discussion. The plan is a matter for the whole party: our simple contention is that we should have one.

♦ At any given time, every comrade should be responsible for talking to at least one named contact, and report back to their cell their progress in political discussion. No one is exempt from the work of party-building.

♦ Once recruited, new members should be supported by 'mentoring' (usually by the comrade originally responsible for recruiting them) and an induction course in our politics and methods.

♦ Much as we run a Summer Offensive, during which comrades commit themselves to individual fundraising targets, we should run a Winter Offensive, during which we focus instead on winning new subscriptions to the paper, new supporters and new members.

♦ All leading comrades should support initiatives outside London by visiting cells and speaking at open meetings. The peculiar emphasis put on the organisation in London should be curtailed in recognition of the need to build a national party for a national struggle.

♦ At least one aggregate should be scheduled in Wales and one in the north of England each year, with pooled fares being introduced for all.

This is not, as they say, rocket science. It is not even domestic science. Those who were part of Militant in the 80s, as I was, should find it familiar: the essential principles were those that built an organisation of perhaps some 8,000 comrades. Socialist Workers Party members may be put in mind of Cliff's "primitive accumulation of cadre" - though that approach embodied a level of persistence which, paradoxically, undermined the acuteness of the political decision a new comrade made on joining the SWP and therefore often blunted their understanding and shortened their political career in the organisation. We have an awful long way to go, however, before we begin making those mistakes - the opposite mistakes to the ones we are making now.

A final thought on the power of organic growth. Albert Einstein was once asked to name the most powerful force in the universe. His answer? Compound interest.