11.09.2002
National council sets priorities
The national council of the Socialist Alliance has put the fight to stop the war on Iraq and support for the Fire Brigades Union's wage claim at the top of our campaigning priorities. Council resolved to mobilise for the September 28 demonstration against any war on Iraq and to build the anti-war movement beyond it. There was some recognition that the Socialist Alliance had been less visible than it could have been in the Stop the War Coalition, though many delegates reassured themselves that it was SA activists that were the backbone of the coalition. Our attitude towards an attack on Iraq was clarified through a motion from Martin Thomas of the Alliance for Workers' Liberty. This stressed that our opposition to the war is not based on lack of United Nations consultation, and not because we support Saddam Hussein in any way, but because it is for the Iraqi people to overthrow Saddam, not US big-power militarism, which will act in its own way and for its own interests. The motion called for local SA branches to organise their own meetings, inviting Iraqi socialist speakers, as well as participating in broader anti-war activities. Some wondered after the meeting why we needed to teach grandmothers to suck eggs, but it is vital that leading committees pass such resolutions in order to inform the public of our politics and to educate our membership. Not all SA members will base their opposition to the war on internationalist principle and it is our duty to give a lead on such questions. John Rees of the Socialist Workers Party proposed that we use the momentum from the September 28 demonstration to build support for a campaign of mass civil disobedience to begin even before a war starts to pressure the Blair government. This was supported. I raised concerns that the September 28 demonstration is jointly sponsored by the Stop the War Coalition and the Muslim Association of Britain. Why wasn't the MAB just part of the STWC umbrella? Why did they have special status? We were told that MAB had booked a march for Palestine on that date before STWC had approached the police. Given the importance of that weekend in relation to the Labour Party conference, the leading figures of the Stop the War Coalition thought a compromise to unite the demonstrations was better than either choosing another date or marching separately. I am not so sure about that. Despite the assurances of SA national chair Liz Davies that the MAB is a "reputable" organisation, the fact that it is not able to be part of the broad umbrella of the STWC must raise some questions. Its explicit links to organisations with reactionary programmes in Pakistan are of concern. But of course, the STWC was formed on the basis of explicitly rejecting a secular and democratic charter that is not only anti-imperialist, but also opposed to the reactionary clericalism of political islam. Having a clear distinction from the forces of political islam would have provided a much stronger basis for building a consistently democratic anti-war movement in Britain. While the SWP and the like claim such a position is "islamophobic", the problem is actually the opportunist position towards political islam which treats Britain's muslim community as one mass. The idea that you cannot relate to its broad and diverse strands unless you mute your criticism of reactionary fundamentalism is an insult to muslims. National council committed the organisation to back the firefighters in their demand for a 40% increase after hearing a report from FBU activist and SA executive member Steve Godward. Further, the Socialist Alliance has welcomed the Rail Maritime and Transport union's instruction that it will not work trains or stations where no fully staffed fire services are operating. Delegates called for other unions to consider whether their members would be safe attending work with a depleted fire service. Council passed a resolution from comrade Thomas which, as well as offering support, encouraged other unions to take solidarity action such as refusing, on grounds of health and safety, to work during a firefighters' strike; to urge local Socialist Alliances to mobilise for the firefighters with leaflets, petitions and so on; and to assist in organising a meeting of SA FBU members. That unions are now seeking ways to circumvent the anti-trade laws is a step forward - even if at present they feel the need to hide behind concern for health and safety. The rousing reception that Bob Crow, RMT general secretary, received at the TUC on this matter is heartening for the Socialist Alliance and all militant trade unionists in Britain. There was a lengthy debate around Liz Davies's document, Socialist Alliance - the next two years. This document is to provide the basis for discussion leading up to our annual conference in February. I proposed that this be amended by the executive to become a political report to the annual conference with the prospect of a minority executive report being submitted to conference. This was accepted in principle. Introducing her document, comrade Davies emphasised that the ideas she was presenting were to be seen more in the spirit of brainstorming and consultation than finished proposals. This, of course, shows that thoughts committed to paper should not necessarily be regarded as set in stone, as the reaction to one or two of my reports of SA committee deliberations, published in the Weekly Worker, might imply. Comrade Davies said that if we worked positively the SA had a real chance of making a breakthrough in the elections to the Greater London Assembly and the European parliament in 2004. While it was clear that for her contesting elections is an end in itself, she did also point to the importance of consistent campaigning outside election times. Comrade Davies identified the legalisation of cannabis, improved childcare and the promotion of our "environmental credentials" as issues for the alliance to pursue. While "leaving aside" the question of a Socialist Alliance paper, she emphasised the need to consolidate our organisational framework. In order to raise our profile we had to build active branches: she said we needed to turn supporters into members and members into activists. Liz raised the possibility of policy groups to develop political positions between annual conferences. On the matter of the constitution, she pointed to a widespread criticism of the slate system of elections to the executive, and suggested consultation on the matter. And returning to her rosette hobbyhorse, comrade Davies suggested that the SA needed to abandon red as our colour - again suggesting adding purple and green. Horrible. What ever happened to "the banner bright, the symbol plain, of human right and human gain"? Speaking to a short paper he has submitted in response to Liz's document, comrade Thomas argued for an enhanced political life in the SA and for the development of political work not directly related to elections. He said serious political discussions should be a feature of all local branches, not just some; and that we need a regular national Socialist Alliance publication which includes debate. Local branches should develop systematic work round workplaces (workplace bulletins, workplace groups). The SA should have two main, long-term campaigning themes: trade union rights and public services, said comrade Thomas. I shared many of Martin's convictions, but felt he was too localist in his perspectives on trade union work. Without nationally operating union fractions, workplace activity would be ephemeral and lacking in consistency. I said that Liz's document was overly electoralist and this criticism was echoed by one or two others. I went on to state my view that we need to publicly declare at the next annual conference in February our intention for the Socialist Alliance to evolve into a political party of the working class. Further, conference should agree to set up a weekly, democratic political paper for the alliance. Finally, I argued that the SA needed to correct its ad hoc approach to our attitude towards the Labour Party. To this end, I tabled the following motion for consideration by the executive: "The Socialist Alliance notes the recent election of a number of leftwingers to senior positions within the trade unions and the ongoing debate about the Labour-union link. Further, we note developments in the Labour left - particularly the 'After New Labour' conference of the Socialist Campaign Group which significantly saw John Edmonds come to 'bury New Labour'. "In recent elections, the SA has had nothing to say about Labour candidates - whether leftwing or Blairite - where there is no socialist standing. Further, the SA has developed no long-term strategy in terms of relations with the Labour left. "Therefore, this national council commits the SA to debate these questions in the lead-up to the February annual conference, where the agenda of strategy and relations with the Labour Party will be on the agenda." This position highlights the need to adopt a serious attitude towards a central strategic question. If it does not win majority support on the executive, perhaps it can become part of a minority report to annual conference. John Rees emphasised the need for the SA to have clear priorities and to pay close attention to our election timetable. He argued for a strengthening of our structure and the need to grasp the nature of the concrete political terrain on which we operate. However, I could not help thinking he was arguing this in a manner intended to limit the scope of the SA. Concentrate on union conferences and elections, is the SWP's mantra. In other words leave other political fronts to other united fronts. Comrade Rees said that we are living through an "enormous revival of radical ideas, combativeness and consciousness of the working class movement". While this hyperbole is typical of the SWP's Panglossian method, there is definitely a shift in the working class which is being reflected partially in the nature of the union bureaucracy. Matthew Caygill of Leeds SA said that the organisation needed an improved regional structure in the run-up to the European elections. Further, the comrade said that in order to set our priorities and understand the terrain we are fighting on, we needed debate in the SA. Nick Wrack, an independent on the executive, said there had been a "fundamental shift in the political terrain" and there was a danger we could "underestimate the potential of the SA". Comrade Wrack pointed to our friends in Rifondazione and the Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire and our "international standing" as something to give us courage. James Eden from North Derbyshire said there was a gap between the reality of the SA and its public image and we must fight to bring the reality up to expectations. He said it was important for Londoners and the executive not to forget about the local elections in 2003 in much of provincial England. In summary, comrade Davies agreed there was a gap between our image and the actuality. She stressed that we must get our house in order organisationally, build sustainable branches and maintain and broaden our political profile. Her document will be resubmitted to the executive, which will produce a revised version for annual conference. Will McMahon reported back from the committee organising the Europe conference on October 12, where the SA will decide its position on a referendum on the euro. Arrangements seem to be running smoothly, though places are limited to 500. Nick Wrack reported on the soon to be published Socialist Alliance news sheet for distribution and sale on the September 28 demonstration. Modest at four pages, it is still a significant step forward. It will carry a debate between the 'no' position on the euro, penned by Alan Thornett of the International Socialist Group, and support for an active boycott, written by myself. Nick Wrack's softly-softly approach to convincing the SWP that a Socialist Alliance paper is not that dangerous after all may get us somewhere, but without a militant campaign from pro-party forces for a paper with a very strong democratic culture, we are in danger of producing something relatively lifeless along the lines of Scottish Socialist Voice. There was significant controversy around the report-back by Mandy Baker from the committee organising the 'New internationalism, new imperialism' conference on November 30. Originally thought of as a way to organise and attract youth to the Socialist Alliance in the wake of freshers' fairs and the European Social Forum, the SWP was resistant to the idea, but May's national council approved it in principle. Since then the organising committee has seen a bun fight, with the SWP and its allies attempting to turn it into a tame rally in line with the narrow project of building the SWP as the party. Now both the executive and national council have agreed to scrap the work of the arrangements committee and replace it with something I think is worse. It is not even pretending to be a youth conference any more. It does not even attempt to organise any youth who might attend. Instead, it is to be turned into a talking shop featuring the usual suspects from the anti-globalisation 'movement'. Rather than young people being encouraged to organise and think for themselves, the great and the good (and the old) will lecture them on the evils of the world. Barry Coates of the World Development Movement, Tariq Ali, Lindsey German, John Rees, John Pilger, Susan George, Theresa Hayter, etc. Mostly worthy figures, but hardly the burning incandescence of youth. The expression of divergent views on the top table is viewed as unacceptable. The various platforms at the conference will feature speakers favouring a similar strategic approach. Only one speaker on Palestine, for instance. Why not have debate on the issue? We are patronisingly told by John Rees that young people are not interested in debating differences among the left. It seems it will fall to us in the CPGB and to the AWL to try to organise any interest in building a youth organisation for the Socialist Alliance. This will now need to be done on an unofficial basis to begin with. Bizarrely, while Mark Hoskisson of Workers Power supported Martin Thomas's resolution for the conference to include more young speakers and be broadened in its scope, he voted against Martin's proposal to attempt to organise youth and students attending the conference. Both resolutions were defeated by around two thirds of the 40 people attending. Other matters covered: * National council called for London-wide and national support for Paul Foot's campaign to become mayor of Hackney. * We remitted a paper from Margaret Manning and Lesley Mahmood on a proposal for a campaign for free, universal childcare. * An SA day school on women has been proposed for January. This was accepted in principle. However, there is a difference over its remit. Margaret Manning proposed a women-only meeting; I contested this, saying that women's liberation is the responsibility of all members of the SA. I supported the right for women to caucus at any level of the SA, but opposed separatist organisation within SA structures. * The SA is seeking to organise a joint meeting with Rifondazione Comunista, the LCR and other groups on uniting the left across Europe at the European Social Forum. * Our finances are just in the black, but we are suffering from 'front-end loading', as many members have paid all their dues in the first half of the year. There is still unevenness in terms of financial contributions from the supporting organisations. These are the figures for the first six months of the year: CPGB - £1,110; SWP - £960; Workers Power - £500; AWL - £0; International Socialist Group - £0. It is quite shameful that the AWL and ISG continue to freeload. * Membership currently stands at around 1,600. However, not all local branches have accounted for their members. * Council heard reports from Eileen Short of Defend Council Housing and Caroline from Residents Action Group for the Aged. * The next executive meetings will be on October 13 and November 16. Marcus Ström
Worker