Letters
Feuerbach lives
Jack Conrad’s ‘The sigh of the oppressed’ was of special interest -
especially his competent, if brief, overview of Ludwig Feuerbach’s
contribution to human thought and its contribution to the early Marxian
view of the world (supplement, Weekly Worker May
26). I would, however, draw attention to important elements of
Feuerbach’s work omitted by Jack. Some of them relate to my own research
in the psychology of religion 30 years ago, which was largely inspired
by Feuerbachian hypotheses.
Jack reminds us of Engels’ exclamation, “We were all Feuerbachians!”
This refers to the left-Hegelians’ reception of Feuerbach’s The essence of Christianity (1841), but it leaves Weekly Worker
readers barely aware of his earlier and crucial work, exposing the
flaws of Hegelian philosophy. Feuerbach’s thinking and writing (as
indeed that of Marx) was developing fast - as evidence of this, compare
the two introductions to The essence of Christianity (1841 and 1846), illustrating the author’s continuing departure from Hegelian idealism and fixed forms of logic.
Feuerbach learned much of his philosophy directly from Hegel, but his
doctoral thesis already evidenced a shift to humanism. His first
(post-doctoral) publication, Thoughts on death and immortality
(1830), was widely perceived as an irreverent onslaught upon theology’s
use by the state, and was categorised as a dangerous and revolutionary
piece of work.
Feuerbach’s Critique of Hegelian philosophy (1839) raised
humanity above Hegel’s impassive and ‘reflective hero’; no wonder Marx
praised his achievement so extravagantly, describing him as “the only
one who has a serious, critical attitude to the Hegelian dialectic and
who has made genuine discoveries in this field”. Feuerbach had shown
Hegel’s philosophy as itself alienating, “estranging man from his own
being and his own activity”, as Marx encapsulated it. Here indeed was
Feuerbach at his philosophical best, employing the weapons of the
dialectic to critique the dialectic of Hegel; he would soon use the same
methodology for his criticisms of world religions and Christianity.
Weekly Worker readers should be familiar with CJ Arthur’s Dialectics of labour
(1986), which touches upon the relationship between Feuerbach and Marx:
“Much of what Marx says about the objective character of man and his
world is drawn from Feuerbach. It is possible to overlook this and take
as great discoveries of Marx himself things he copied wholesale from
Feuerbach.” Re-read Arthur in conjunction with Jack Conrad!
Although Jack begins his article highlighting important aspects of
morality, and although much space would be occupied overviewing
Feuerbach, no reference is made to the latter’s remarks on morality in The essence of Christianity.
Here’s Feuerbach: “Wherever morality is based on theology, wherever the
right is made dependent on divine authority, the most immoral, unjust,
infamous things can be justified and established. I can found morality
on theology only when I myself have already defined the Divine Being by
means of morality ... I have no criterion of the moral and immoral, but
merely an unmoral, arbitrary basis, from which I deduce
anything I please ... We need no Christian rule of political right: we
need only one which is rational, just, human.”
Marx and Engels insisted human liberation must be an historical act,
brought about through social development, industry, commerce,
agriculture and an active proletariat - not through any ‘act of will’ by
moral individuals, transcending themselves in an existential sense.
Arguably, Marx’s critique of Feuerbach seems well grounded: it is
precisely when Feuerbach should be highlighting the
consequences of his own critique that he fails. He remains too
philosophical, too abstract, in his view of human nature.
However, it is questionable whether the differences between Marx and
Feuerbach were as major as is routinely claimed. While Marx’s criticism
of Feuerbach appears well founded, in that “he did not seek to destroy religion”, it is surely to make issue of a very
secondary point. Having interpreted religion and philosophy
dialectically, as alienated forms of a human activity, it is indeed true
Feuerbach did not immediately set forth a ‘programme of action’, but
that is hardly convincing evidence that Feuerbach “sees alienation in an
entirely negative light” (as Jack tells us).
David McLellan offers a fairer prognosis: “Feuerbach certainly did not
underestimate the importance of ‘practical activity’ ... (but) the
religious problem was the only one that really interested him throughout
his life, and secondly he did not judge the situation in Germany in the
mid-1840s ripe for a transition from theory to practice - and
subsequent events proved him right. Feuerbach was not at all opposed to
practical activity at the appropriate time, but he considered it foolish
to act before men’s minds were sufficiently prepared.”
Feuerbach’s critique of religion aims to show theology as no more than an esoteric psychology. What was absolute in Hegel becomes human in Feuerbach.
When working on my doctorate of philosophy, I was interested to explore
the Feuerbachian hypothesis that theology plays only a minor role in
determining which congregation a religious person chooses to join;
rather it is the believer’s personality that plays the major
role in this decision. My special interest was fundamentalist
Christianity and people often queried why in this scientific age, when
the majority of intelligent individuals reject religion, I should be
devoting so much time and energy to such an investigation. The simple
answer was that, contrary to popular belief, fundamentalism was a
‘growth area’ in the world of religion, and had been for more than half a
century.
My hypothesis was that contrasting religious communities -
fundamentalist and liberal - could be distinguishable, in principle,
exclusively by the ‘personalities’ of those they recruited. I attended
weekly Bible meetings of 15 Brighton congregations, making it
very clear from the outset I was not myself a believer. These meetings
provided the best opportunity for participation in discussion, and to
mix with and get to know congregation members. By the end of the first
year, I had selected four contrasting communities suitable for my
research; I had developed a friendly, informal relationship with the
four group elders/ministers, playing down my own atheism (yet never
pretending to believe).
My objective with each congregation was to submit identical
questionnaires to each, exploring psychological attitudes. My
preliminary investigations led me to hypothesise that the fundamentalist
person shared essential characteristics: fear of uncertainty, obsessive
sense of urgency, perceived personal inadequacy, anti-intellectualism, a
schizoid view of the world, personal guilt feelings, etc. It was
anticipated that, although every fundamentalist may not share each
characteristic to the same degree, the majority will share most.
Specifically, my hypothesis was that religious communities are
distinguishable by the salience afforded community members for these
psychological traits.
On completion, a copy of the 90,000-word thesis was passed to each of
the four participating congregations. Surprisingly, all were delighted,
not only with my reportage of my experiences with their communities, but
also the ‘personality scores’ obtained. The two fundamentalist
communities, for example, were more likely to give extreme scores to the
10 personality statements on the questionnaires, which I interpreted,
psychologically, as registering their high scores for ‘dogmatism’; the
Jehovah’s Witness elder specifically wrote to confirm that they were
indeed “close-minded” and “dogmatic”!
I actually received documentary and statistical help from Canon John Drury, editor of the periodical Theology, who wrote to thank me for the “project findings”. Similarly, Peter Brierley, editor of the UK Christian Handbook
for the Bible Society, wrote to say: “I am sure you are right in
feeling that membership has far more to do with psychology than
theology. There are a number of current trends which would support your
comment.”
Perhaps Feuerbach would be pleased to know his psychological
initiatives were still under investigation a century and a half after
his death.
Feuerbach lives
Feuerbach lives
Small world
How? On June 2, we are told, an international body published a report
calling for drugs to be on sale legally and a UK body of distinguished
persons called for the 1970 act to be repealed (‘End war on drugs now’, June 9).
Small world, isn’t it?
Small world
Small world
Consensual rape
Regardless of froth, red herrings and kitchen sinks that Heather Downs throws into the discussion on rape - most of which isn’t in question or dispute - we come down to the assertion that “people under 16 are described as having been raped - because they do not have the capacity to consent ...” (Letters, June 9).
Heather defends the right of the state not only to deny the actual physical fact that young people under 16 willingly consent to sex, but also to imprison and brand their partners as rapists. Young people under the age of 16 have the mental and physical ability to consent to sex and neither Heather nor the state has any right to condemn them for doing so, never mind cheer-leading their repression and incarceration.
How dare she assume to tell young people they “do not have the capacity”? Who made her lord high protector of morality and sexual conduct? Of course they have the capacity to consent - and have been consenting for generations and centuries, and will continue to do so, even if Heather believes it’s right to lock them up and call them rapists.
Voluntary sexual relationships between consenting parties - and that means fully voluntary and consensual - are not rape. Rape cannot be taken out of the realms of common sense, which Heather so decries, and words cannot be given meanings to which they don’t apply.
Yes, there are lots of situations which are rape, but consensual sexual relations between voluntary parties (even if one or both are under the state’s arbitrary legal age of consent) isn’t rape. All the huffing and puffing in the world will not make it so. That Heather defends this wilful repression of natural human sexuality speaks volumes for where this type of bourgeois feminist authoritarianism ends up.
Consensual rape
Consensual rape
Official
I am in the United States and have read the Weekly Worker for a
number of years now since I discovered it online. While I am what you
would call an ‘official communist’, I find the paper thought-provoking.
I like Mike Macnair’s and James Turley’s articles better than the
‘gossipy’ polemics with other British groups; they are more substantive,
even when polemical in intent themselves. For example, it would never
have occurred to me to compare the formal political programmes of the
United Secretariat of the Fourth International with Eurocommunism. Now
that doesn’t seem so far-fetched at all; apparently the French Communist
Party’s executive is going to support the candidacy of the Left Party,
whose roots, it is claimed, are in Trotskyism and the French Socialist
Party.
Official
Official
Trot dialogue
I have read Gerry Downing’s contributions to the Weekly Worker for quite some time. Only on small points can I fault him (generous praise from a communist).
The Revolutionary Communist Party, and predominantly the Workers
Socialist League (Thornett/Lister/Richardson), represented the pinnacle
of Trotskyist politics in the UK. The fact that the WSL was
parasitisiced by the Pabloite Spartacists from one side, and
Shachtmanite Matgamnists on the other, is a foul tragedy (but a tale for
another day).
The point. With a handful of comrades, Downing et al have kept
aflame the tiny spark of Bolshevik Leninism in the UK. The healthiest
Trotskyist forces in the world are grouped around the Committee for the
Refoundation of the Fourth International, which is led by the Workers
Communist Party of Italy and the Workers Party of Argentina.
They have differences and tolerate differences within their ranks. In
the last 30 or more years (the length of their groups’ existence), they
have never crossed the class line.
I invite comrade Downing and his forces to consider opening a dialogue.
Trot dialogue
Trot dialogue
Questions
Gerry Carroll, Socialist Workers Party Ireland and People Before Profit member, polled 8% of the vote in the West Belfast by-election on June 9. Compared with the state of the British left, this is out of this world. What is even more impressive, though, is that Carroll was the member of the only party whose vote increased.
That aside for now, I am an avid reader of all leftwing papers and, whilst I have only recently starting reading the Weekly Worker, I ask how the readers believe we are to build a mass revolutionary party or even a new party of the left in Britain.
Do we need a revolution across the left? Will the SWP form the basis of the party - or possibly be the party itself? Would it be correct to attempt build a new party with non-revolutionary forces (though certainly a future split would have to take place)? How do revolutionaries offer an electoral alternative, when militants have not broken from Labourism, but only from Labour? Could the Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition form the base of a new party?
Questions
Questions
Bus cuts
Rugby Against the Cuts has expressed outrage at the cuts to local bus services, which come into effect on Sunday June 19. These cuts are a direct result of the withdrawal of funding by Warwickshire County Council for socially desirable, but not always economical, evening bus services. They are a direct result of Tory cuts.
Public transport is a service like other public services, and should not be run to make profits. Some routes and times are bound to be used more than others, but that does not mean any of them should be scrapped. A large number of people depend on public transport, including those without cars, the elderly, the poor and those with disabilities - in particular people who live in rural areas and have no other means of transport.
These cuts to our bus services are yet another example of how public spending cuts disproportionately hit those with low incomes. They are less likely to be able to afford to run a car, especially with petrol so expensive at present. Only last month, The Sunday Times ‘Rich List 2011’ showed that the top 1,000 multimillionaires are £60 billion better off than they were 12 months ago. They now have wealth totaling £395,765 billion - they will not need public transport! Just like when a library, youth club or care home closes, it is the poor that suffer the most.
Rugby Against the Cuts member Liz Peck is a regular user of public transport. “The cuts to these evening services will make it very difficult and much more expensive for me to get around,” she explained. “I do not have a car, and I use the bus in particular to visit family and friends and for social reasons. People travel to and from work by bus. We are supposed to be encouraging greater use of public transport to help combat climate change, and these cuts will make that even less likely. The real effect of public sector cuts are only just beginning to be felt, and I dread to think what the next 12 months will bring.”
Ordinary working people should be made to pay for a crisis they did not cause. There is plenty of money floating around, as the Rich List shows - more than enough to overturn our economic deficit and then maintain and develop our public services, including public transport. It is all about political decisions, and the three main parties have all decided to make the poor pay for the crisis. So much for government leaders suggesting, ‘We are all in it together’.
Bus cuts
Bus cuts