17.10.2001

Our history Defending socialism

Immediately following its formation over July 31-August 1 1920, the Communist Party plunged into action. British imperialism was set on another attempt to destroy the Soviet Republic and restore capitalism. The CPGB was determined to stop it. A London Hands Off Russia committee had been formed at the initiative of pro-communist shop stewards in January 1919. This was quickly added to by other commit?tees around the country, culminating in a national Hands Off Russia com?mittee in the autumn. This commit?tee was the pinnacle of a broad, mass, militant movement. Its leadership brought together official representatives of big unions like the boilermakers, railway workers, engineers and miners, as well as the TUC?s parliamentary committee, in the form of AA Purcell, a founder-member of the CPGB Alongside them there were three vice-presi?dents - all CPGB founding mem?bers - Tom Mann, general secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, George Peet, secretary of the National Shop Stewards and Workers? Committee Movement, and Willie Gallacher of the Clyde Workers? Committee. The Hands Off Russia campaign scored a brilliant success in opposing the Polish war drive against Soviet Russia through stopping the arms ship Jolly George, on May 10 1920. Two months later Britain was again threatening war, this time demand?ing that the Red Army cease all hos?tilities against Poland. It was into these conditions that the CPGB was born. The first CPGB circular to branch secretaries (?Threatened war against Russia?) was issued over the signatures of Arthur MacManus and Albert Inkpin. It was a call to action. Then, on August 7 1920, the CPGB issued a call for the formation of councils of action; this was endorsed two days later at the first meeting of the Pro?visional Executive Committee. Hun?dreds of Hands Off Russia meetings happened all over the country and passed resolutions in line with the CPGB?s resolutions. It was in this atmosphere that the Labour Party executive and the TUC?s parliamen?tary committee (on which sat two CPGB members) met and agreed to threaten the government with a gen?eral strike. To organise this it set up a National Council of Action. On August 13 1,044 delegates met at Central Hall, Westminster. They demanded the end of all British sup?port for Poland and any other ?ef?forts against the Soviet government?, the ?withdrawal? of the navy block?ade, the recognition of the Soviet government and the ?establishment of unrestricted trading and commer?cial relationships between Great Britain and Russia?. Naturally CPGB chair Arthur MacManus saw these developments as potentially insurrectionary (?Towards revolution: our policy?). Faced with mass working class pres?sure, prime minister Lloyd George dared not act. War was stopped. Soviet Russia was saved.

Threatened war against Russia

There is no need to remind you of the importance of saving Soviet Russia from the attacks of the capitalist gov?ernments. For nearly three years you have worked loyally and well to that end. Your efforts, according to their own admission, have paralysed the militarists? attempts to crush our Rus?sian comrades, for they realise how deeply Hands Off Russia propaganda has sunk into the minds of the workers.

But this is a supreme moment for action. War - definite, open bloody war - in support of the Polish nationalists, is threatened against Russia ... Com?rades, the government must be told in plain terms that the workers will not have war against Soviet Russia. It is our duty deliberately to advise the workers not only to refuse all service for that purpose, but to oppose it ac?tively.

The Communist Party, in the first days of its existence, must be worthy of its mission. Let us rise to the height of a great occasion.

Call meetings ... Get in touch with organised workers ... and urge them immediately to notify the government that they will not make nor handle munitions, nor volunteer for service, nor be pressed into services, but will actively oppose, by a general strike, the threatened campaign.

Speak boldly and act quickly. Ne?glect nothing. On the shoulders of every individual member of the Com?munist Party rests the fate of Russia at this critical moment. Let every mem?ber, therefore, be a missionary for the salvation of Russia, lest we be branded with infamy of crushing by our apathy the first socialist republic, and our hopes and ideals at the same time.

CPGB leaflet
August 5 1920

Towards revolution: our policy

The decision [to form] a Council of Action and the granting to this Council of ?full powers? to organise a general strike ... constitute a situation which must be examined and judged on its merits of revolutionary possibility.

Apart from the actual decision to prevent war by a general strike if need be, the general course adopted to arrive at this decision, and the path pursued, contain significant consequences which are at once vital and important.

To decide to strike against war, or the threat or war, dismisses once and for all any further question as to the validity of industrial or direct action for political purposes, and relegates the bones of that skeleton in Labour?s cupboard to the political crematorium.

Again, the granting of power to the Council of Action to summon a strike immediately, should such be necessary, is not only, as JH Thomas put it, ?a challenge to all constitutional institu?tions?, but, however little he may have dreamed it, it is a challenge to the constitutionalism of Labour itself. The unwarrantable insistence of a constitutional ballot before any indus?trial action could be adopted, which has in the past been well nigh the strongest weapon in the armoury of capitalism, is, let us sincerely hope, also a thing of the past.

We must see to it that the working class tactics against capitalism in future are determined solely by the exigencies of the moment, and the possibilities of success, and not by any stale and crusted formulas which may have served labour a hundred years ago. The other feature, the challenge to capital?ist institutions, is the first real ringing declaration of war against the power of our exploiters and oppressors, which has gone up from labours ranks.

On this score The Times rightly attaches the greatest importance, and it is tragically amusing so read that, ?Any overt attempt to overthrow the consti?tution would be met with a firmness on the part of the great bulk of the people of this country that would bring our magniloquent revolutionaries to their senses.? And then to read almost immediately following that: ?Most British citizens know as little of the constitution as of the composition of the air they breathe.?

Due attention is paid to the possi?bilities thus opened up to such a body as the Communist Party, and certain of our executive recommendations are quoted to show that we are alive to such possibilities. Well, they will not be disappointed. We see in the threatened war with Russia not only another mili?tary holocaust, but a deeply conspired imperialist attempt to crush the work?ing class Republic of Russia.

Official Labour can rest assured of our support in this crisis, because the Communist Party is to the Republic of Russia flesh of its flesh and bone of its bone. We are not to be intimidated into a lukewarm support or pacifist shelter by the insidious references to the con?ditions in Russia and the policy of those whom we seek to support. The dictatorship of the proletariat has no terrors for us, in that, not being blinded by capitalist morality and sentiment, we can appreciate realities when such confront us, and we do know that capitalism will not allow the working class of this country to attain its eco?nomic emancipation unless compelled to do so by the organised might of that working class. That is the dictatorship so much decried, particularly by those who today dictate for capitalism.

The Communist Party has sent out several communications to its mem?bers, advising them as to policy and a general line of action. Its executive are apprehensive of all that is at stake, and of what is involved in the formation of the Councils of Action. We have sought for representation ... on the Council, but so far our efforts have met with a refusal. We intend to insist upon such representation, not as a success?fully absorbed body, but as an inde?pendent and free unit, with equal right to advise and urge both as to policy and action. Meantime our members are again strongly advised to get on to the local councils, not only as representing the local branch, but as delegates from their shops, unions, committees, etc.

The Councils may be called upon to function not only in controlling a strike, but constructively in efforts to maintain the strike. Any local construction must bear the hallmark of communism, and only the communists can stamp such an imprint. Labour will, and must, obvi?ously in the interests of its own policy, endeavour to effect a consummation to the present decisions by the establish?ment of a Labour government. This is in their minds and the Councils of Action but the means to this end.

We must follow the developments very closely, and all the time keep strengthening our organisation and machinery to ensure that we shall be fit and prepared to take the fullest advan?tage of any opportunities which may present themselves. Our work is not for a political revolution with a Labour government, but a social revolution with administration by soviets or workers? councils. Your local Councils of Action have potentialities which should be nourished and developed, and in the meantime we hope that all members will endeavour to act in uni?formity with the executive policy, and thus ensure the greatest margin of success from this impasse.

Get to your posts! Keep there! And be prepared to respond to such advice as the situation at headquarters may warrant the offer?ing. Our watchword for the present should be ?Be active, alert, and ready?.

Communist Vol 1, No3
August 19 1920