Letters

Media answers

In my article in the Weekly Worker after the riots that followed the Southport stabbings, I posed the question of how the left works to combat the far right’s systematic - and I argued successful - weaponisation of social media and messaging platforms (‘Combat the far right online’, August 22 2024). The tagline to that article read: “Carl Collins thinks we should consider throwing away our leaflets and take to our keyboards” - something the article did not in actuality suggest, unless taken deliberately out of context. In one partial response, Jack Conrad said that the CPGB and the Weekly Worker “profoundly disagree” with the article, without elaborating how or why (Letters, August 29 2024).

Fast-forward just over a year, to September 29 2025, and The Guardian has printed an interesting, though not surprising, three-page investigation titled ‘Inside the everyday social media networks where far-right ideas grow’, looking at this very point. I would urge comrades to read both The Guardian and my Weekly Worker article.

The recent ‘Unite the Kingdom’ far-right rally attracted over 100,000. This was organised largely via social media and messaging platforms. Addressing the rally were social media ‘influencers’, who use their online platforms to reach out to millions of people, and the owner of X (formerly Twitter), who controls algorithms to promote far-right content. Without going over the entire content of my article again, this is merely the tip of the iceberg. The highly technical and highly funded far-right dominance of social media and messaging platforms not only loosely organises groups and individuals, but goes on to influence the ‘mainstream media’ and, in turn, public discourse, as The Guardian investigation highlights.

Admittedly my article posed more questions than answers. However, I do still believe the left needs to look at those questions seriously. We are losing the online battle and, in an increasingly digital world, we are missing the opportunity to influence debate in that sphere.

I am not suggesting we throw the baby out with the bathwater and become nothing more than keyboard warriors. Nor am I suggesting there is a silver bullet. As someone who is not particularly tech-savvy, I am just looking for answers … still.

Carl Collins
email

Trust Sir Tony?

There is little, one might have thought, that the rulers of the world could have done to make themselves more odious to decent people. And yet, as ever, they have found a way: Tony Blair, it is said, is in discussions to lead “a post-war transitional authority in Gaza”.

The Gaza International Transitional Authority (Gita), we are told, would attempt to endow itself with “supreme political and legal authority” for a period of five years. The fact that such a plan implies a nearly incredible pitch of insolence and turpitude is almost needless to state. But let us see what salutary lessons might be drawn from this new example of barbarism.

Sir Tony (as he is called) is known for his decision to plunge into a naked war of aggression against Iraq in 2003 - Iraq was destroyed; religious fanaticism was unleashed; British soldiers murdered and tortured Iraqi civilians. The punishment for Blair? Nothing - no legal sanction in any shape. Is it any surprise that a man so accustomed to impunity for his acts should have no trouble wading ever deeper into vice? The remedy, then, is clear: punish offenders; end the reign of impunity.

It follows from the preceding observation that there is nothing in our society that can be called justice: in so far as justice depends on equality before the law, it does not exist. Large swathes of the ruling classes, and their state functionaries, are exempt from the laws that are otherwise supposed to regulate our conduct. And, upon reflection, it is evident that this inequality, and correspondent injustice, is the rule in all class societies. The violence that the state inflicts on innocents, in order to promote sinister class interests, is nearly always outside the pale of legal sanctions, except in peculiar circumstances of scandal and outcry.

Democracy is a beloved slogan, and a serviceable topic for pompous speeches, but it is not regarded as a principle worthy of application in the real world. Who, after all, should be authorised to govern Gaza, after the ravage of Israel’s genocide? The rulers of the world, once again, are united in saying, ‘Not the Palestinians themselves’. The people of Gaza - the victims - will have no part: they will listen and obey. The business of government will be in the hands of the imperial proconsul, whether that is Sir Tony or some other collection of pliable characters. Not just the substance, but even the forms, of democracy are reserved for a special few: the Palestinians are not among them.

Talal Hangari
London

Orwell’s red elite

In his commentary on George Orwell’s 1984, Paul Flewers says: “Marxism is the anti-elitist philosophy par excellence: it shows that a genuinely egalitarian future - a society without a ruling elite - is eminently possible” (‘The road from Eton college’, September 25).

While it is true that Marxism shows that such a society is possible, it doesn’t show us how to get there - and in fact takes an approach which (unconsciously) increases the possibility of the formation of an unaccountable elite. This is known as the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’. A dictatorship, by its very nature, is unaccountable to an elected body. If it is accountable, it is not a dictatorship, and therefore the term would be incorrect for describing working class, socialist rule, in the absence of an emergency situation.

It is a fact that the socialist revolution can and does lead to the rule of a red elite. This is not an argument against socialism: rather it is an argument for democratic socialism, which, in my view, should replace the Blanquist terminology of the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’, which Marx incorrectly appropriated from the former, which ends up giving too much power to the elite. The term is nowhere to be found in the Communist manifesto of 1848. Its use today is an echo of Blanqui’s influence on communism.

The formation of a red elite is not simply the result of backwardness, as Trotskyism teaches. It can occur in the most advanced societies, like America, Britain, Germany, France or Japan. In my view, the formation of a red elite is an almost inevitable process. The very existence of a communist party implies an elite in terms of consciousness. The main question is whether it is accountable? This is why democratic socialism is so important. It helps prevent the red elite from detaching itself from the masses. In China, for instance, rather than the Communist Party simply suppressing the pro-democracy movement, it should counterpose to it democratic socialism. Likewise, had Gorbachev mobilised a mass movement to defend democratic socialism, the Communist Party would probably still be in power.

In my view, the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat guarantees the formation of a red elite which arrogates too much power to itself. Socialism cannot do away with a ruling red elite. Only under communism can society dispense with an elite. This is why Trotsky’s call for a political revolution to overthrow the ‘bureaucracy’ in the case of the former Soviet Union was seriously ultra-leftist. The sooner Trotskyists realise this, the better.

The best way to ensure that the red elite serves the interest of the masses is to defend democratic socialism - the form of rule of the working class.

Tony Clark
For Democratic Socialism

SUtR barrier

Saturday saw a small victory over the far right and we celebrated that on the day, but now we need to get down to some serious analysis. Three separate far-right groups came to Newcastle to sow division and hatred. Those taking to the streets with Ukip had their route blocked by a vibrant coalition of anti-fascists and anti-racists from the region and beyond.

We stopped them proceeding along their planned route through the heart of Newcastle city centre, diverting them into empty streets. We protected the government-funded asylum facility, as we quickly moved from our Quayside location and got there first, outnumbering them massively.

However, two of the established anti-racist organisations - Newcastle Unites (NU) and Stand Up to Racism North East (SUtR-NE) - failed all of us. They misled two-three thousand people into gathering at Grey’s Monument, nearly a mile away from where the far right was assembled.

Many genuinely believed they were stopping the far right, when in reality they were sidelined, listening to speeches. This was deliberate. It shied away from a necessary confrontation, leaving the real work of challenging the fascists to those prepared to act. It’s important to understand that confronting the fascists physically is a key part of countering them, and a fundamental part of a proud anti-fascist tradition.

For two months or more, NU and SUtR-NE stifled any chance of achieving unity around the demo against the far right, including overturning a democratic decision to assemble at the Quayside. They now push a narrative that the Monument rally stopped the fascists. The numbers were impressive, but the truth is fascists were challenged and contained because anti-fascists acted decisively and gained ground in the streets outside of NU and SUTR-NE's structures. What’s more, the approach of those two groups highlights deep structural inadequacies in regional organisation by the anti-racist movement.

‘Left’ union leaders have outsourced their anti-racism to SUtR, while SUtR has a grift to pay the wages of Socialist Workers Party full-timers to do that and give the same union leaders - locally and nationally - a platform to sound left. SUTR regional steering committees are populated by local delegates who are then massively outnumbered by people coopted by the regional leadership (local sympathetic trade union bureaucrats, Labour councillors, ‘community leaders’, etc.) to give a huge majority in favour of static ‘action’ away from the fascists and with multiple speakers saying the same stuff to the same people. There is no real debate and disagreement allowed by those in control of these committees.

Success on the day was only possible due to the low numbers of fascists and a poorly organised police force. It was despite our organisation, or lack of it, not because of it. Lots of lessons to learn, but we need a different, militant and democratic anti-fascist united front. SUtR and NU are a barrier to that.

SUtR barrier
Newcastle

YP Sparts

We all know the far right is on the rise and that there is an urgent need for a socialist, working class alternative to Farage and Starmer. Your Party is a chance to build such an alternative, but from the start the Corbyn and Sultana factions have been plagued by indecision and infighting. While there have been raging debates about the structure of the new party, barely anything has been said about its political substance.

Yet the acrimonious factionalism over money and positions is not merely caused by personalities and egos, but by the absence of political answers to the problems facing the left. Both factions recite the empty mantras of ‘peace’, ‘justice’ and ‘solidarity’. While a few years ago these were enough to maintain some kind of coherence among the left, this clearly won’t work in this period of sharp polarisations and crisis. Fundamentally, the only way to solve the paralysis at the top and build a strong party is to have a clear programme that meets the challenges of our time.

To win workers, Your Party must get away from the liberal, middle class politics which have dominated the left since the Blair era, and which have contributed more than anything to pushing workers towards the right. To win them back, Your Party must reject identity politics and fight for a class-struggle, socialist programme.

Of course, this does not mean abandoning the fight for women, Muslims, trans people, immigrants or Palestine in favour of ‘bread and butter’ issues. Rather, what is needed is a programme capable of combining the economic struggle of the working class with the struggle of oppressed groups against their common enemy: the British ruling class.

But such a programme will not magically emerge. It needs to be fought for against the stale notions of ‘progressive’ liberalism which currently dominate Your Party. In other words, to get socialist politics, socialists must fight for them.

This is why a revolutionary caucus is needed. The Spartacist League wants to build such a caucus, but we cannot do this on our own: we want to work with other organisations and individuals to build it. If we want this new party to succeed, socialists must work together and place the interests of the movement above those of their own organisation or clique. First and foremost, we are interested in opening a debate on the policies needed to get Your Party off the ground and win mass support in the working class.

Below we propose a set of principles which we think could serve as a basis to regroup revolutionary elements in Your Party. Get in touch with us to debate these and to work with us in building a revolutionary caucus.

This is our draft platform for a planned economy run by workers, for workers.

Immigration: Nigel Farage and Tommy Robinson scapegoat immigrants and foster racist divisions. Keir Starmer and the City encourage mass immigration to prop up a rotting economy and drive down wages. Neither of these are any good for the working class. As socialists, we oppose closing the border, but we also oppose the government’s policy of mass immigration. Instead of an immigration policy dictated by the bosses, we need one determined by the needs and interests of the working class.

Unity: There can be no place for bigotry in Your Party. But to have any hope of uniting the left we must win the argument, not simply moralise and exclude people who have different views on social questions. One does not need to be a Muslim to oppose the attacks on the Muslim community. And one does not need to agree with gender theory to defend the rights of trans people to live their lives how they wish. We do not need to agree with all the ideas in each other’s heads. To unite we need to agree to fight for each other’s rights against the ongoing reactionary backlash.

No to Zionism! Zionism is a nationalist project based on the displacement and oppression of the Palestinian people. It is the ideology behind Israel’s genocide and has no place in the labour movement. Peace in the Middle East and the unity of Arabs and Jews can only be achieved through opposition to Zionism, support for the liberation of the Palestinians and respect for the democratic rights of all peoples.

Down with US and British imperialism! British foreign policy is designed to serve the interests of the City of London - itself a part of the American empire. Wars and interventions by Britain and the US abroad have brought disaster around the globe, while bringing only misery and crisis at home. Now, the US is pressuring its allies to rearm for more wars, which will mean further squeezing working people. We say: No more arms to Ukraine and Israel! No to Nato! Down with the war drive!

No alliance with the Greens! The Green Party embodies everything the working class hates about the left today: self-righteous, middle class politics that put abstract ideals above real living conditions. The Greens are not for the working class or socialism, nor do they want to be. An alliance with them will only repel workers.

For Irish unity! Self-determination for Scotland and Cymru! The ‘United Kingdom’ is oppressive to Irish Catholics, Scots and Welsh. British imperialism subjugated Ireland for centuries; it must finally be thrown out of the whole island. As for the Scottish and Welsh nations, their fate should be determined by the democratic will of their people, not by the parasites in Westminster.

Yes to trade unions! No to pro-capitalist union leaders! The trade unions are the mass organisations for the defence of the working class. At least that’s what they should be! For decades the trade unions have been run into the ground by leaders who stand closer to the bosses than their own members. We cannot let these people take control of Your Party. Whether to rebuild the unions or found a new left party, we need leaders who stand on clear socialist principles and are ready to take the fight to the bosses.

Down with the monarchy! For a workers’ republic! Workers finally need a government and state which serves their interests, not those of a handful of capitalists and aristocrats.

Spartacist League
email